The following report was originally submitted as an assignment for my university and was graded as a first-class report.
Exile – commonly defined as a state of enforced separation from one’s homeland – is a concept that has permeated history, literature and even religion, fragmenting familiar landscapes and uprooting cultural connections. It is within such tumultuous contexts that exiles confront the quest for self-discovery and adaptation, ultimately shaping and reshaping their identities. By examining the accounts of contemporary Afghani exiles, this report aims to shed light on the complex interplay between exile and the construction of identity.
In this report, I qualitatively analyse interview transcripts and a newspaper article to answer the following research question: How might the experience of exile affect a sense of identity? In the first section, I use thematic analysis to analyse interview transcripts from Afghan Women’s Resistance and Struggle in Afghanistan and Diasporic Communities. In the second section, I use critical discourse analysis to analyse The Colors of Islam. In the final section, I conclude by comparing my findings from both analyses, summarising the key points.
Thematic Analysis
For the first part of this report, I will conduct a thematic analysis of five interview transcripts conducted by researcher Elaheh Rostami-Povey as part of a research project entitled Afghan Women’s Resistance and Struggle in Afghanistan and Diasporic Communities (Rostami-Povey, 2008). Published in 2008, Rostami-Povey’s study focuses on the experience of Afghan women living in Britain and America.
Thematic analysis is a research method involving identifying, analysing, and interpreting patterns or themes within a qualitative dataset, such as interviews and survey responses. It is widely used within the social sciences to gain insight into the human experience, and the perceptions or meanings subjects derive from said experiences. Furthermore, thematic analysis is not tied to any specific epistemology, allowing it to be used without understanding broader philosophical debates and positions (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This flexibility and accessibility make it perfect for understanding complex phenomena that cannot be analysed using numbers or quantitative measurements, such as ‘exile’ and ‘identity’. Furthermore, thematic analysis is guided by the analytic hierarchy, which sets out a systematic approach to qualitative data analysis that ensures research findings are rigorous, transparent, and credible.
Thematic analysis can be broken down into six consecutive phases of analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2012). The first phase of analysis involves familiarising oneself with the data via repeated readings or listening to gain a comprehensive understanding of the content. To do this, I reread the interview transcripts multiple times before annotating what they revealed about ‘exile’ and ‘identity’, which allowed me to internalise the data. The second phase of analysis involves systematically labelling or categorising sections of the text that relate to specific ideas, concepts, or patterns. This process is known as coding. After reviewing my annotations, I found a total of 13 codes across the five interviews. The third and fourth phases of analysis involve identifying themes by grouping codes together and reviewing said themes to ensure that they accurately capture the data’s essence. I initially grouped my codes into five themes. However, after consulting my peers and comparing their findings to mine, I narrowed it down to three broad themes: identity, political opinions, and gender dynamics (see Appendix I). The fifth phase of analysis involves defining each theme by providing clear explanations and examples to illustrate their meaning. To do this, I created a thematic chart (see Appendix II). The sixth phase of analysis involves writing a cohesive narrative that incorporates the themes and their supporting evidence (see below).
Caught between two worlds, Afghan exiles are often compelled to grapple with how their Afghan heritage is at odds with the culture of their host countries. Shikeb reflects on feeling more British than Afghan, stating, “I feel that I am British because I know more about Britain than Afghanistan.” This sentiment echoes previous studies that highlight the influence of the dominant culture on shaping the identities of immigrants (Alba, 1999; Angelini, et al., 2015). Furthermore, exiles commonly develop a hybrid cultural identity, blending elements from their heritage and the culture they are immersed in. This process of acculturation allows individuals to navigate between their Afghan background and their adopted country, forging a unique sense of self. A common reflection found throughout the interviews is the idea that young Afghans feel more Afghan inside the home and more American and British outside the home. Nahid struggles to reconcile her Afghan and British identities, confessing, “I think most of my life I had to negotiate my identity and culture. Finally I found that I will have this problem all my life.” This struggle resonates with the experiences of many second-generation immigrants who must negotiate the tensions between their parents’ cultural heritage and the society they grow up in. The clash of expectations, values, and social norms can create a sense of fragmentation and uncertainty as individuals strive to find a balance between their Afghan roots and their desire for integration. As Farida puts it: “Our children lack identity, they are lost.”
Religious identity emerges as another significant aspect of the exile’s experience. Leila’s commitment to being a devout Muslim is evident when she shares, “I remained a good Muslim; I regularly go to my local mosque and have many Muslim friends from the area.” Her dedication to her religious beliefs reflects the findings of previous studies that highlight the role of religion as a source of continuity and identity for Muslim immigrant communities, particularly in the face of challenges related to integration and acculturation (Kabir, 2013; Lewis & Kashyap, 2013). Religion acts as a unifying force, providing solace, community, and a framework for navigating the complexities of life in a foreign land.
Discrimination is an unfortunate reality faced by many exile communities. Tahera recounts her experiences with racism and prejudice, revealing, “After 9/11, I had a hard time, when they called me Terrorist, I wanted to hide and I wished that I was not Afghan.” Her account mirrors existing literature that sheds light on the discrimination faced by Muslims and those who visibly express their religious beliefs (Cole, 2009; EUMC, 2006). These experiences highlight the broader patterns of discrimination and xenophobia prevalent in society that impede the process of identity formation, making it difficult for individuals to fully embrace their Afghan heritage and feel a sense of belonging in their adopted country.
Critical Discourse Analysis
For the next part of this report, I will use critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse a newspaper article written by contributor Saif ur Rahman Qargha entitled The Colors of Islam for US News & World Report (USNWR) (Qargha, 2008). Released on the 7th April 2008, Qargha’s article details his experience as an Afghani political refugee growing up in the US, particularly in the aftermath of 9/11 and the Patriot Act.
CDA is a methodology born out of the 1960s Poststructuralist movement, which aimed to deconstruct conceptions of reality to understand the social world and the power dynamics that exist therein. CDA draws upon the concept of discourse, which asserts that knowledge – and therefore power – is created via language and the meaning it imposes upon reality. Thus, CDA is defined as the critical investigation of “social inequality as it is expressed, signalled, constituted, legitimised and so on by language use” (Wodak, 2001, p. 2). In other words, CDA is the process of analysing texts to understand how specific institutions and societal roles exist due to ways of thinking and speaking that are captured in the texts’ language (Hodges, et al., 2008). This preoccupation with how language relates to power and society makes CDA an appropriate technique to understand what it means to be an ‘exile’, allowing us to uncover how ‘identity’ can be shaped by the very language we use when discussing it.
CDA can be broken down into three interrelated stages of analysis: description, interpretation and explanation (Fairclough, 1995). The first stage of analysis – description – is concerned with the language of the text itself, including grammar, vocabulary, literary devices, and images, amongst others. To do this, I reread the article multiple times before analysing its use of language and what it tells us about the experience of exile (see Appendix III). Overall, there were three key takeaways from my language analysis:
- Exiles are acutely aware of their religious identities in host countries that have significantly different cultural practices to their home countries.
- Exiles often face discrimination at the hands of the media and the government, creating a need to defend their religious identities.
- Exiles can still develop a strong sense of patriotism and love for their host countries while holding onto their religious identities.
The second stage of analysis – interpretation – is concerned with how the text is produced, distributed, consumed, and interpreted, focusing on the relationship between the author and the audience. Qargha’s article was published online by USNWR, a centre-right media company based in Washington, DC. USNWR was founded in 1948 and has enjoyed a fruitful legacy, establishing itself as a well-respected media outlet (USNWR, 2018). Its annual American college rankings are influential enough to impact national college application patterns (Luca & Smith, 2011). Given this, it is likely that Qargha’s article reached a large audience who interpreted the article in an American-centric context. Qargha seems well aware of his audience due to his apologetic approach to explaining Islam, which has long since been vilified in American discourse. As such, Qargha has taken on the role of a bipartisan – he is both a devout Muslim and American patriot – who seeks to educate his audience by clearing up misconceptions about Islam. This reflects the exiles’ need to defend their religious identity and the role exiles play in acting as ambassadors for their community.
The final stage of analysis – explanation – is concerned with how the text fits into a wider social context and reflects existing power dynamics. Qargha’s article was released in the context of the War on Terror and the 2008 Presidential Race when conspiracies claiming Barack Obama to be a secret Muslim were being used to discredit his candidacy (Parlett, 2014, pp. 123-162). During this time, Muslims were subject to media vilification and increased state surveillance via policies such as the Patriot Act. As Qargha points out in his article, many American Muslims felt “intimidated” as a result, reflecting a power dynamic where the state, aided by the media, frames Muslims as suspect communities and the scapegoats for international terrorism; thereby constructing an ‘us-versus-them’ dichotomy, where Muslims are presented as the ‘other’ to be feared and rejected. Qargha ultimately pushes back against this with his overt praise for America as “God’s land” and his assertion that God “chose” him to be there. Therefore, Qargha’s article is not just an account of his experience as an Afghan refugee but rather a challenge against the existing power structure.
Conclusion
To recap, the main takeaway from the thematic analysis was that Afghan exiles often grapple with their dual identities, struggling to blend elements from their Afghan background with the culture they are immersed in. Religious identity emerged as another significant aspect, with Islam serving as a unifying force and a source of continuity for Afghan exiles. Additionally, the analysis highlighted the prevalence of discrimination and prejudice faced by Afghan exiles in their adopted countries, influencing their sense of belonging and integration.
Comparably, the CDA reaffirmed that Afghan exiles maintain a strong awareness of their religious identities within host countries with different cultural practices. Qargha’s use of language indicated that exiles are highly conscious of their religious beliefs and practices, particularly in the context of navigating societal expectations. In addition, it also revealed how exiles are often forced to act as ambassadors of their respective communities in the face of potential discrimination. Despite these obstacles, the analysis indicated that exiles can still develop a strong sense of patriotism and love for their host countries while holding onto their religious identities.
In conclusion, the findings from both analyses shed light on the complex experiences of Afghan exiles, encompassing issues of identity, cultural integration, religion, and discrimination. By combining insights from thematic analysis and CDA, I was able to gain a deeper understanding of the challenges faced by Afghan exiles and the power dynamics that shape their identities in diasporic communities.
References
Alba, R., 1999. Immigration and the American Realities of Assimilation and Multiculturalism. Sociological Forum, 14(1), pp. 3-25.
Angelini, V., Casi, L. & Corazzini, L., 2015. Life satisfaction of immigrants: does cultural assimilation matter?. Journal of Population Economics, 28(3), pp. 817-844.
Braun, V. & Clarke, V., 2006. Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research In Psychology, 3(2), pp. 77-101.
Braun, V. & Clarke, V., 2012. Chapter 4: Thematic Analysis. In: H. Cooper, et al. eds. APA handbook of research methods in psychology, Vol. 2. Research designs: Quantitative, qualitative, neuropsychological, and biological. Washington DC: American Psychological Association, pp. 57-71.
Cole, M., 2009. A Plethora of ‘Suitable Enemies’: British Racism at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 32(9), pp. 1671-1685.
EUMC, 2006. Muslims in the European Union: Discrimination and Islamophobia, Vienna: European Union Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia.
Fairclough, N., 1995. Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language. London: Longman.
Hodges, B. D., Kuper, A. & Reeves, S., 2008. Qualitative Research: Discourse Analysis. BMJ: British Medical Journal, 337(7669), pp. 570-572.
Kabir, N. A., 2013. Young American Muslims: Dynamics of Identity. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Lewis, V. A. & Kashyap, R., 2013. Are Muslims a Distinctive Minority? An Empirical Analysis of Religiosity, Social Attitudes, and Islam. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 52(3), pp. 617-627.
Luca, M. & Smith, J., 2011. Salience in Quality Disclosure: Evidence from the U.S. News College Rankings. Journal of Economics & Management Strategy, 22(1), p. 58–77.
Parlett, M. A., 2014. Demonizing a President: The “Foreignization” of Barack Obama. Santa Barbara: Praeger.
Qargha, S. u. R., 2008. The Colors of Islam. [Online] Available at: https://www.usnews.com/news/religion/articles/2008/04/07/the-colors-of-islam [Accessed 5 May 2023].
Rostami-Povey, E., 2008. Afghan Women’s Resistance and Struggle in Afghanistan and Diasporic Communities, Swindon: Economic and Social Research Council.
USNWR, 2018. Celebrating 85 Years – A timeline of events in the life of U.S. News & World Report, 1933-2018. [Online] Available at: https://www.usnews.com/info/articles/2018/06/11/celebrating-85-years [Accessed 11 May 2023].
Wodak, R., 2001. What CDA Is About – A Summary of Its History, Important Concepts and Its Developments. In: R. Wodak & M. Meyer, eds. Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Sage Publications, pp. 1-13.
Appendix I – Coding Index – Interview Transcripts
- Identity
- 1.1 Cultural Identity
- 1.2 Religious Identity
- 1.3 Discrimination
- Political Opinions
- 2.1 Change
- 2.2 Foreign Intervention
- 2.3 Challenges Facing Afghanistan
- 2.4 Hopes for Afghanistan
- Gender Dynamics
- 3.1 Gender Roles
- 3.2 Family
- 3.3 Community
- 3.4 Personal Agency
- 3.5 Future Aspirations
- 3.6 Women’s Rights
Appendix II – Thematic Chart Extract – Interview Transcripts
| Identity | |||
| 1.1 Cultural Identity | 1.2 Religious Identity | 1.3 Discrimination | |
| Transcript 6065int051: Shikeb, Fahima, Farida, Zohra, and Massouda | “I feel that I am British because I know more about Britain than Afghanistan.” (Shikeb) “My parents say I’m Afghan but I feel British as well as Afghan […] I like British style but I prefer the Afghan way of life.” (Fahima) “If I cannot go out with my British friends, I go out with my Afghan cousins who I feel closer with them and I can trust them more.” (Fahima) “It’s very difficult for us Western Afghans to change people’s belief.” (Fahima) “I might not have enough freedom to go out. But I love Afghan culture.” (Fahima) “I am close to Afghan culture with my family and I am close to British culture in college and work. Half a day I have Afghan culture and the other half of the day British culture.” (Farida) There are things that I don’t like about both cultures.” (Farida) “I feel that I am Afghan. But I don’t know how I feel if I go to Afghanistan. In any case I prefer to live a simple life without thinking about being Afghan or British.” (Massouda) “I feel that there is three generations here. My parents’ generation who grew up in Afghanistan and like to go back home. Second generation like myself, we came here when we were teenagers and we went to school here. Third group is our children; they were born and brought up here […] Now they think they are better than us. Especially teenagers think that they know everything. I think they have learned this from the British attitude and culture.” (Massouda) | “I try to be a good Muslim. For example I try to fast most of the month of Ramadan.” (Fahima) “I think that we live in this society and I should keep to my religion and some aspects of my Afghan culture. I also think that we should adjust to certain aspects of life here, otherwise we will be lost.” (Massouda) | “Because of my colour of skin and my British accent, there is not much hostility towards me. But when people hear my name they find out that I’m not British.” (Fahima) “My mother has been subject to racism because she wears hijab, especially since 9/11. Because the media portray Afghans in a bad way.” (Fahima) “If they say anything about Afghanistan I tell them to shut up and do not say anything about a country that they don’t know about.” (Fahima) “I do have a few white British friends. They do know that I’m Afghan. I think I have changed their view.” (Fahima) “Some people call me a terrorist but not seriously.” (Farida) |
| Transcript 6065int052: Nahid | “I think most of my life I had to negotiate my identity and culture. Finally I found that I will have this problem all my life.” (Nahid) “When I’m with people who don’t know anything about Afghanistan, I want to tell them about it and change their ideas about Afghanistan.” (Nahid) “I think I want to know what’s like to be Afghan. Therefore, I feel that I have identity problem. I think as a nation we have identity problem.” (Nahid) “In the West, we have discovered individualism and when we go back to Afghanistan we forget our individualism.” (Nahid) “When we came to Europe I was a teenager and it was a very difficult time for me. At first I tried to be totally European […] But when I integrated more into the British culture I became more interested in my own culture […] But then I stopped searching because I felt identity is something that can be changed everyday.” (Nahid) “I have given up my Afghan passport […] There are more negative sides to Afghan culture.” (Nahid) “I feel that I am two different persons and I think in two different ways. This was a difficult struggle but I think it is now less painful.” (Nahid) “I decided to drop my Afghan culture. But of course there are also good things in my culture that I appreciate.” (Nahid) “My life is a mixture of British and Asian. My husband is interested in Asia; everything in our house is Asian.” (Nahid) | “We try to create a new identity that includes Islam but it’s very difficult as there are all kinds of diversities and complexities.” (Nahid) “In different ways I started searching for my identity, one time it was Islam, one time it was reading Persian literature.” (Nahid) | “I think the focus on ethnicity is complicated and can be dangerous.” (Nahid) |
| Transcript 6065int054: Palwasha, Suhaila, Farida, Nazia, and Fatana | “I have always considered myself Afghan. I learnt the language and worked in the system. But never have identified myself as American. I always talk about my Afghan identity.” (Palwasha) “I think our young generation cannot live in Afghanistan, they have two cultures. But we hope that we could change the dark side of our culture and bring about the positive side.” (Palwasha) “My children suffer from clash of cultures and have to try hard to integrate. In some ways it is harder for them than it is for us […] We are very protective of our children; we are scared of some of the things which go on in this society. All this adjustment is very difficult.” (Suhaila) “My older son lives separate from us, he sees himself more American than Afghan, but he likes the Afghan culture and music. My daughter sees herself more Afghan than American. My other son learned Dari and Pashto on his own initiative and loves Afghan culture. For me it is very important that our children can relate to Afghan culture, especially our history, culture and language.” (Suhaila) “In America people consider themselves American because there has been a degree of economic integration. When people are economically integrated, then they will integrate politically, socially and culturally.” (Farida) “Yes, this is exile […] we are khane be dosh, nomad, we feel that our roots are burnt. Our children lack identity, they are lost.” (Farida) “We try to pass our heritage on to our children, but it is very hard for them to cope with dual identity. I know that my children and other young Afghans say that I am Afghan at home and I am American outside of the home and this is very hard for them to cope with. Our children are lost and confused.” (Farida) “I was more familiar with Western culture than my husband. My husband suffered much more in terms of identity crisis.” (Nazia) “I think, my children, don’t have too much identity crisis. They all have married with Americans. But they are attached to Afghan culture. I feel that at home they are Afghan but outside they feel American, otherwise they cannot cope. We have always told our children that they should get the positive culture of America.” (Nazia) “They consider themselves Afghans. They never consider themselves Americans.” (Fatana) | “We thank God for being able to come and live in this country and our children were able to be educated.” (Palwasha) “I thought that as Muslims, we will be welcomed in these Muslim societies, but we were not.” (Fatana) | “I sometimes feel that the tension between Tajik, Pashtun, Hazara and Uzbek and between Shi’a and Sunni exist between the Afghans in exile. It is important to fight against these tensions.” (Palwasha) “There is racism everywhere even in American society where they are all immigrants. But in these societies, we have rules and regulations […] Certainly after 9/11 there has been a great deal of racism against Afghans and Muslims.” (Palwasha) “During the Taliban, Americans were sympathetic to us, but after the 9/11 there has been a great deal of racism. Nevertheless, because American society is a melting pot, it is possible to survive easier.” (Suhaila) “There is also racism and discrimination in American society. At the same time it is important to live somewhere where there are laws and regulations.” (Farida) “We lived in Iran and in Saudi Arabia; they did not welcome us.” (Fatana) |
| Transcript 6065int055: Tahera, Guita, and Leila | “I don’t feel fully American. I feel more Afghan than American, from a traditional Afghan culture.” (Tahera) “I feel that I am both American and Afghan. Sometimes I feel that I am more Afghan because of my culture and the fact that I practice Afghan culture […] Sometimes I feel that it is good to have the best of both worlds.” (Tahera) “When they asked me why you feel so proud of your Afghan culture? I told them that I have been brought up with this culture and I am proud of it.” (Tahera) “I feel both Afghan and American […] There is a conflict between the two cultures, but I deal with it by belonging to both and socialise with both groups and cultures and religions.” (Guita) “I feel that both Afghan and American cultures are extreme; I feel that I need something in between.” (Guita) “I will bring up my children differently, I don’t want them to be Americanised. I want them to be Afghan but with more power of decision making.” (Guita) “I don’t trust non-Afghan culture, especially Western culture.” (Leila) “A strong extended family relationship have kept us close to each other and protected us against the alien American culture.” (Leila) “Many rich Arabs wanted to marry my daughters but I couldn’t do it. Arabs are alien to my culture, although they are Muslims.” (Leila) “Afghan culture first and then Muslim culture […] I prefer Afghans to all other cultures.” (Leila) “Our children are pulled from two different cultures and cannot cope. Some accept the Afghan culture and some accept the American culture, but many are pulled between the two and find it very difficult.” (Leila) “I think both cultures have good and bad aspects. I grab the good sides of both cultures.” (Leila) | “For me religion is what is in the book, culture is ideas formed around what is in the book. My religion is very important for me, I pray and fast in Ramadan, but I don’t wear the hijab. […] It is difficult to go to school with the hijab, so I don’t wear it and this is ok with my mother and family.” (Guita) “I remained a good Muslim; I regularly go to my local mosque and have many Muslim friends from the area.” (Leila) “During the month of Ramadan, I spent all my time in the local mosque till late in the evening. I respect all other cultures and religions. But I and my daughters follow our own religion and culture. I have Jewish friends and Christian friends in the neighbourhood, I look after them if they need me but I keep to my own culture.” (Leila) “Afghan culture first and then Muslim culture.” (Leila) “I wear shorts and I swim in mixed pools but I am a practicing Muslim too. I pray and so on. But I don’t force my children to do say prayer five times a day.” (Leila) “They decided to hold on to their religion as a way of survival. In my view this can also be dangerous, because either they can become fanatics or to become anti religion. There has to be a balance.” (Leila) | “They look at Middle Eastern as terrorists and they blame us for 9/11. Some are very ignorant. My mother wears scarf and when she comes to school many are abusive about her. Sometimes I feel that they are really racist, they are ignorant.” (Tahera) “After 9/11, I had a hard time, when they called me Terrorist, I wanted to hide and I wished that I was not Afghan. But I tried to speak with my friends and tried to make them understand that I am Afghan but not a terrorist. Sometimes I felt that they understand, sometimes I felt that they do not.” (Tahera) “There is racism, especially after 9/11. But I deal with it by educating them and talking to them, sometimes it is very difficult as you feel that they don’t listen and they don’t understand. But when they do listen / understand I feel that I have achieved a great deal.” (Guita) “When we were in Iran, we were subject to racism. The shop keepers refused to sell me milk for my babies. In Los Angeles, where the majority is immigrant, I don’t feel racism that much.” (Leila) “Somebody told me that if I continue to wear the hijab they may kill me, I said fine, I will be proud to die in my chaddari.” (Leila) |
| Transcript 6065int058: Malalai | “I feel that I am both American and Afghan. When I am at home I feel that I am Afghan, when I am out of the house with my friends I feel that I am American. But when I am with Americans I don’t feel totally American. When I am at home, I don’t feel totally Afghan […] with Americans I feel that I have to defend my culture. With Afghans I feel that because I have been allowed to dress like Americans, they don’t really like me and they don’t embrace me as they should do.” (Malalai) “Sometimes I feel Afghanistan is my country, especially when I am with my family and Afghan friends. When I am with my American friends, I feel that America is my country. But I know that none of them alone is my country. They are both my country.” (Malalai) | “I feel that I am all three of them Afghan, American, Muslim. For me religion is a personal thing it is between me and my God. I don’t think when I die and go to heaven the God will open his calendar to see how many times I prayed.” (Malalai) | “Since 9/11 things have been difficult. My university is a liberal institution but even there, sometimes someone says let us go and bomb them all. In this situation I don’t comment because they are ignorant.” (Malalai) |
Appendix III – Language Analysis – The Colors of Islam by Saif ur Rahman Qargha
| Text | Analysis |
| Born in Afghanistan in 1971, Qargha, 33, was a boy when soldiers from the invading Soviet Army broke into the family home and abducted his father and five uncles. He never saw them again. After fleeing to Pakistan, Qargha, his mother, and two brothers came to the United States in 1986 as political refugees. He is now a transportation engineer for Prince William County, Va. | The use of ‘boy’ evokes a sense of innocent victimhood, while the dramatic phrase ‘he never saw them again’ elicits a sympathetic reaction from the reader. The verbs ‘invading’, ‘broke’ and ‘abducted’ position the Soviet Army as violent interlopers as opposed to the United States as a sanctuary for ‘political refugees’. The mention of Qargha’s current occupation as a ‘transportation engineer’ positions him as an accomplished and contributing member of society, evoking ideas about the American Dream. |
| Before we came to the United States, we were concerned about preserving our identity. We felt that America was a good place. You didn’t feel like somebody was watching you, like the feeling we had in Afghanistan during the Russian occupation. But at the same time, America is spiritually devoid. People were concerned mostly about image. | Labelling America as a ‘good place’ portrays Qargha as grateful. Exiles associate positive feelings with their host countries. Associating Afghanistan with the negative feeling of ‘somebody watching you’ highlights the troubling memories Qargha has about his time there. Exiles associate negative feelings with their home countries. Labelling America as ‘spiritually devoid’ highlights Qargha’s affinity for religion, whereas Americans are ‘concerned mostly about image’. Exiles are concerned about ‘preserving’ their religious identities. |
| I was not tempted to fit in with American kids. By the age of 15 or 16, I was fully grounded in Islam. I was on the soccer team so I got to know a lot of people, but I didn’t socialize with them. Drinking and other things did not attract me. When you have an Islamic worldview, and you want to protect it, especially as a young man, it’s very difficult. In Islam, the idea of dating as we know it here doesn’t exist. There is no playing around. When you’re ready, you can meet people for the sake of marriage. | Being ‘fully grounded in Islam’ and not being ‘tempted to fit in’ reiterates Qargha’s desire to preserve his religious identity. ‘Drinking and other things’ are a barrier to socialising. An exile’s home culture may prevent them from wholly assimilating into the host culture. Positioning the ‘Islamic worldview’ at odds with the American lifestyle of ‘drinking’ and ‘playing around’ evokes ideas about the Clash of Civilisations. |
| My uncle, Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, is a political and spiritual leader in Afghanistan who declared jihad against the Russians. He helped me put things in perspective, and that is why I am grateful to him. The fact that they were fighting, but they did not hate the Russians, they just hated what they did, that is an Islamic worldview. It is a misconception that jihad means holy war. It can have a martial aspect to it, but it has other aspects, like a struggle with yourself, your ego. | The term ‘jihad’ carries negative connotations in the context of the War on Terror. Mojaddedi is portrayed as a positive force for helping Qargha ‘put things in perspective’ and fighting the Russians without hating them, thereby representing an enlightened ideal. Clarifying the meaning of ‘jihad’ as a ‘struggle with yourself’ presents it as a positive spiritual endeavour. |
| I saw the events of 9/11 on the news, when I was taking my aunt to social services. The first thing we said was, “Oh God, please don’t let this be a Muslim.” It was a shock to anybody who had a heart, who had any humanity. But to know it was a Muslim was a bigger shock. It had a big impact on the Muslim community. When you went to the store, you were eyed with suspicion. We felt like the blacks of the 1960s, especially women, who are displaying their religion by covering their hair. We didn’t have to defend the terrorists; we had to defend ourselves. | Recalling ‘the events of 9/11’ as a ‘shock to anybody who had a heart’ draws on a shared sense of tragedy and humanity felt by all Americans. Referencing the Civil Rights Movement places the Muslim community in the same social position as African-Americans: second-class citizens. The phrase ‘we had to defend ourselves’ highlights how Muslims often feel under attack by the Western media. |
| As a result, there was the Patriot Act and the FBI coming to people’s houses. They came to my office because I’m involved in the community and asked me questions. Some were ridiculous: “Do you know anybody interested in weapons of mass destruction?” Islam does not teach you to kill yourself or take innocent life. There is no justification for that in Islam. What happened has to do with people who are frustrated with the foreign policy of the United States. But America did change for Muslims after that. A lot of people were intimidated. | The term ‘ridiculous’ suggests that the power the government exercises via the Patriot Act is arbitrary and used to ‘intimidate’ people. The assertion that ‘Islam does not teach you to kill yourself or take an innocent life’ challenges the dominant discourse that associates Islam with terrorism. Emphasising that ‘America did change for Muslims’ after 9/11 highlights government policy’s significant impact on the identities and experiences of Muslims living in America. |
| But it also showed the beauty of America. In the days after 9/11 we had cards and flowers and candles from neighbors and other people just to let us know that we still had friends and that they didn’t think we were like the terrorists. It was very consoling, a beautiful gesture. | The phrase ‘beauty of America’ is a positive evaluation that implies a strong emotional attachment to the country. The term ‘friends’ implies a close affinity towards Americans that do not share the same religious identity as Qargha. |
| America is a good land. I got to meet the Islamic world in America. In Afghanistan, there were only Afghan Muslims. Here, there are Egyptians, Moroccans, black Africans. I saw all these colors and creations. This is God’s land, and God chose me to be on this land, so I desire good for America. On a more practical level, I wish that nothing changes our freedom here. Let America be America the way it was intended. -As told to Bret Schulte | The sentence ‘I got to meet the Islamic World in America’ suggests that living in America has strengthened Qargha’s religious identity. The statement ‘this is God’s land, and God chose me to be on this land, so I desire good for America’ demonstrates a spiritually reinforced love for America. Ending with ‘let America be America the way it was intended’ implies a shared vision of what America should be like that anyone can buy into regardless of background. |
Aqil Ghani 